European Business Environment










European Business Environment



Professor’s name:




This paper focuses on the enlargement of the European Union (EU) and its effects on external and internal relations. Taking into account the analysis and forecast presented before enlargement, it shows the real consequences of the development. The most essential consequences, as well as problems in part of decision-making and administration in the EU, social consequences of the enlargement, as well as the result of the possible economic enlargement of the on both existing member countries and new entrant countries. In taking into account the future of the European Union and the perception of regional European, the study specify that for the first time in many decades the EU has the opportunity to strengthen the global role of the society and reunify the continent supported by a common democratic standards and rules, a collapse in the process of European integration would mainly perhaps mean the gradual marginalization of Europe as a foremost actor of international associations.

The collapse of the Soviet Union and the fall of the bipolar order greatly affected the development of European integration. One of the main basic challenges was the disappearance of the Eastern Bloc, as the threat of the Soviet hostility served for many years as a amalgamate aspect for the Western community (Baun, 2004). The next challenge was the unification of Germany, as it was obvious for most of European countries that the prospect role and position of the united German state would be stronger and further important than that of Cold War-era Western Germany. At the same illustration, the European Union, formally established by the Treaty of Maastricht on 1 November 1993, had to respond to broader problems about its international target and the future shape.

It was apparent that the European Union possibly could not have opened its door to nation that was unwary or unable to prove the good organization of their democratic governance. Additionally, the setback for the EU was that planed to outlook for the relationship served as encouragement for the new democratic organization in East-Central Europe to carry on their complex and socially troublesome reforms, the flourishing results of which became significant for the strength of the whole continent. The solution was the Copenhagen condition, explained at the summit of the European Council in Copenhagen in 1993. The rules placed general necessities for starting effective democratic organizations, respect for individual and minority human rights, and suitable instruments for promised market economy (Lindner, 2003).Upon meeting the requirement, the first candidates was capable of open the accession talks in 1998. Ten new members that united the European Union on 1 May 2004 completed these consultations in 2002.

Jointly with the growth in 2004, the EU-15 developed into EU-25; after Bulgarian and Romanian accession on 1 January 2007, the coming together became the EU-27. The growth from 15 to 27 member states was the biggest in the history of European incorporation process growing the number of the EU population from about 380 to 485 million. The new states members were medium-sized and small countries, though; each of the new associate has achieved the same rights as existing members of the EU. The enlargement of Eastern has been the major difficulties in the history of European integration, not simply because of the number of new states member joining the European Union at the same time, but mainly because of differences in the level of the gross national product (GNP) involving the old and the new members states of the EU. An evaluation of GNP per capita confirms that the richest new members state have not go beyond 40% of the standard EU-15 level and much bigger asymmetry is opened by the evaluation with the wealthiest states members of the old union (Miles, 2004).

In reality, earlier enlargement rounds, like the one in 1973, to comprise the Ireland, Denmark and United Kingdom the one in 1995, to include Austria, Finland, and Sweden, was accessions of states similar in economic improvement and wealth. Merely the membership of Spain and Greece in 1981 and Portugal in 1986 caught up the enlargements of countries, which were much not as good as at the moment of their accession than the standard member of the society. This led to a question of harmony between the poorer members and the rich, and needed additional financial contribution of the wealthiest member states to sustain political and economic transformation in the new member countries. Although the old member countries reacted with hesitation, they finally agreed to such assistance, being aware that it would support democratic transformation on the Continent and support to eliminate intimidation of instability for the whole society, while contributing to formation of the common European marketplace. nevertheless the Eastern enlargement twenty years later on was incomparable in its unevenness of economic potentials and the interns of GNP per capita involving the old and the new members still with the Southern growth of the European Community (EC) in the mid-1980s (Nugent, 2004). This irregularity of enlargement collectively with fears in Western Europe about social cost, problems of intra-union administration as well as the continuing crises of EU characteristics have compounded the face of the Eastern enlargement years after the enlargement, these concern continue to distress the integration development, consequently it is worth focusing on a few of them.

Even ahead of agreement, it was obvious that the Eastern enlargement from 15 to 28 members would force management and decision-making processes in the European Union, as well as the possible to paralyze or at least make difficult the mechanisms formed in the EU-15. Predicting the enlargement, the old members attempted to organize the internal decision-making systems to incorporate the new members. The Amsterdam and Nice Treaties broaden the scope of verdict to be taken supported on Qualified Majority Voting (QMV), as an alternative of harmony, and the Nice Treaty formed a specific majority system (Schmitter, 2004). It established each of the 27 members an exact number of votes gleaming its demographical potential. The major members of the EU France, Germany, Italy and the UK, were awarded 29 votes each, and the smallest states: Luxembourg 3 and Malta 4 votes, correspondingly. Poland, as the largest new member, was given 27 votes, the equivalent to the number as Spain. However, the rule of the accord has remained at as the foundation of all decision-making in the EU, particularly when it comes to critical political decisions. Even so, the caution of Taylor remained applicable as the effectiveness of decision-making in the distended European Union needed further internal amendment. The response was Treaty making a Constitution for Europe signed in Rome on 29 October 2004. The new agreement went comparatively far in its application, yet Netherlands and the France rejected the European Constitution in referendums and the last effort to improve the internal utility of the EU was the Lisbon Treaty signed on 13 December 2007.

The Lisbon Treaty is in actual fact a series of provisions originally presented in the European Constitution. It has make things easier for the EU’s legal procedures and has established the European Union a legal personality, as well as helping harmonization of the EU’s policies establishing the posts of the EU President and Foreign Minister. It reflects the objections of some members who strained the principal independence of the member states, resultant in the cut of most references that could advocate for the character of the European Union as a (super-) state, counting the initial names of the new EU council. As an effect, the new EU Foreign Minister has lastly become the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. However, the prospect of the treaty had been vague for almost two years, as its implementation required confirmation in all member states. After the optimistic result of the second Irish referendum on 2 October 2009, the president of the Czech Republic, the Polish president, Vaclav Klaus and Lech Kaczynski, finally decided to sign the Treaty. This permitted the Lisbon Treaty to come in into force on 1 December 2009 (Nugent, 2004a)

The approach of the citizens in the new member states towards European incorporation has generally been optimistic. For instance, the effects of the agreement referendum in Poland demonstrated support for the association at 77%. After enlargement, assistance in Poland is still at a high level of about 70% (Preston, 1997).The Office of the Committee for European Integration, Warsaw 2009 all together, still, enlargement provoked serious worries among Western EU member countries. The forecast of the enlargement were a basis of anxiety among the populace in the old, wealthier counties members of the EU, as well as the fears of joblessness and huge immigration of employees from the much poorer states of East-Central Europe. Piotr M. Kaczynski specified that the new states were better organized for enlargement as they projected changes and were required to plan for membership. The older members and their societies only experienced the test of the Eastern enlargement on the day of new members’ agreement (Nugent, 2004b). This resulted in the distribution of fears and slogans about the “Polish nurse” or “Polish plumber” frightening for employment chances for local Western Europeans. Few in Western Europe left devoid of the benefits of the Eastern enlargement for stabilization, democratization, and union of the continent. Yet the Westerners worried that Eastern enlargement would establish the questions of decision-making, management, asymmetry in economic potentials and as well as raise the requirement for a broader process of structuring mutual consideration between the two share equally of Europe divided for almost 50 years by the “Iron Curtain.” (Hagemann, Sara/De, Julia 2007) Still, there were numerous forecasts concerning the migration prospective. Some of them projected that the immigration from the new states would differ from 6% to even 30% of their total populace (105 million), but those more practical showed that the migration would be approximately 3-5% or yet only 2% in the longer time, taking return migration into consideration (Nugent, 2004b).

In actuality, the Eastern enlargement has only in part established the fears of Western European civilization and its social effects have been less serious than projected. At the same time, it has established most of the scholars’ forecasts. In agreement with the data obtainable by Euro stat for the end of 2008, the total digit of the immigrants from the new states members has been approximately 1.7 million (Guérot, 2005).This does not comprise session seasonal personnel, the number of which could be expected as an additional few hundred thousand with a propensity to sluggish down for the reason that of the current world economic disaster. The most frequent immigrants were Poles (Poland being the most crowded new member state) and Romanians operating mostly in the Ireland, Spain, and United Kingdom. Polish specialist have projected that the actual number of Poles operating in the old member countries of the EU has been at the level of 1–1.12 million (out of entirety 38 million of populace) with a possible of additional 0.6 million of seasonal recruits (Stacey, and Berthold 2003). These numbers may seem considerable, but it would be difficult to treat them as a massive influx of workers from the East.

All in all, the trouble of migration from the new state member cannot be overlooked and will go on to play an important role in the opinion of euro-skeptics, but it emerge to be much less grave than originally estimated. This is accurate mainly in the situation of the current world economic catastrophe and increasing social protests adjacent to the foreign employment force in the UK and other principal states of the European Union. It may perhaps also persuade the old members to formulate informal efforts at protectionism, although the regulations of the free movement of industry and capital within the European particular market.

One of the areas of debate before enlargement was the cost of the process. Yet it seems that the Eastern enlargement of the European Union has not been overly expensive, especially in comparison to the benefits. Several authors have concluded that in the longer term the enlargement would have small but positive growth effects on the whole EU, although lower in the case of the old members and higher with regard to new member states, with forecasts of an additional overall EU growth by 0.5 to 0.7%. However, it is clear that the main benefits of the enlargement are political ones, namely the opportunity to reunify the Continent and in this context, the costs of the enlargement were indeed low (estimated for the financial framework 2004-2006 at 40.16 billion euro, or 1.08% of EU GNP) (Faber, 2009).

Though, looking at the differences in economic prospective and wealth-level involving the old states and new states members, it seems not possible to expect that their convergence would be attained in the short or even medium time. This implies a tough need for aiding funds from the richest states of the European Union for the improvement of the new state members. Therefore, the dilemma of financial unity between the poorest and the richest in the EU will turn into much more grave for the future of the Union than whichever time before, still after the Southern enlargement in the 1980s (Falkner, 1996).

The narrow financial wealth at the Union’s disposal has led to discussion in the EU about its financial point of view. The member states take up two differing positions. France and Germany, as the leading donors, have grown hesitant to increase their assistance to the common EU budget. The financial discussions for the period 2007-2013 incorporated the demand of the major net-contributors to edge the EU resources to 1% of the Community’s GNP. The ultimate resolution accepted a maximum of 1.045%, but the indecision of the richest members to wrap the additional expenditure of the enlarged EU was understandable. The new state members, conversely, joined the EU with the hope of financial support and harmony. Knowing that their active growth depend on the kindness of the richest states of the EU, the new state fear that, the imposing idea of harmony might crash with the exaction economic interests of the main EU members. Such a distribution of the EU members into the center of the most urbanized and wealthiest nations and East-Central Europe as an edge could intimidate European integration.

Yet even though the limited economic resources exist in the EU budget, the supporting of the new members states has been reasonable so far. Poland, for instance, as the largest recipient, is getting a net-assistance of €60 billion in the episode of 2007-2013, mostly in the form of structural and solidity funds. However, the most important concern is to keep this level of the help in the next financial agenda (2014-2020). This will be the main issue of the future discussion. The wealthiest and strongest states of the EU have well thought-out reducing some forms of support to new member’s states and support spending that would center more on new technologies, competitiveness, and innovation of the EU in the global economy. Even if it is apparent that the EU requires being more successful on the global prospect, it is evident that the financial capital available in the upcoming EU budget for innovation and new technologies would most possibly help the wealthiest state of the Union. The new states with their much poorer economies and less innovative will not be capable to struggle for this money.

The new East-Central European members projected full-fledged contribution in the decision-making method of the EU, as well as value for their opinion, despite their imperfect economic potentials. But the political discussion just after the Eastern extension, which led into the new suggestion of the European Constitution and the Lisbon Treaty, were challenging for the new members states and tackle them with the perception of the new form of the European Union only a few months following their agreement. These circumstances were most difficult for Poland the largest country in the group of new states, however a medium-size state members in the EU with its ambition of playing an active political task in the European Union. In the case of Poland, which was to lower some of its recognized position in the EU exacted in the number of votes in a number of Union institutions, it was hard to clarify to people why the regulations of the membership must be altered so quickly after the agreement.

Examining the first epoch after the Eastern extension, Piotr M. Kaczynski sustains that the economic outcome of the growth have been clearly constructive. The new state members improved quickly and much earlier than expected. Though, he finds that the political aspect of the enlargement is harder to review. After a first period of compliance, the new state members, particularly Czech Republic and the Poland, became more self-confident in the EU, which resulted to some quarrel between the administration of these nations and EU system. Equally Czech Republic and the Poland mainly reacted to the thoughts coming from the Western part of the EU. Their political program, if any, were typically poorly set and cast off (Steunenberg, 2002a).

Later, after the enlargement, Poland and all new members comprehend more visibly that it is not only the amount of votes that make a decision their place and ability to pressure decision-making procedures in the EU. They have attained convenient experience and become more familiar with the actual political device, including the regulations of effective alliance building and cooperation. Dirk Leuffen has explained it as a progression of “socialization” in which the new state members learn how to deal with the informal and formal rules and standards in the EU. From his perspective point of view, this socialization should be well thought-out as a medium-term development (Dirk 2010).

The skill gained; during the five years following the enlargement appear to back up that the time of socialization will be shorter relatively than longer. The current Polish-Swedish suggestion of Eastern Partnership (Steunenberg, 2002b), to reinforce collaboration with several Eastern neighbors of the inflamed European Union, helped by the other members of the EU, demonstrate that new states can efficiently take part to flourishing program, or at slightly be significant partners of doing well initiatives offered together with some old states members. As consequence, the succession of the new states from East-Central Europe has not been as “detrimental” to the EU administration as it was at times recommended in Western Europe earlier than the enlargement.

In conclusions,the effects of the Eastern enlargement on external and internal relations of the European Union have not been as “tragic” as it was occasionally feared prior to enlargement. The addition from 15 to 28 member nations, as well as the significant economic unevenness between old state and new state member have shaped some administration problems for the EU, but they have not busted it. The European Union ought to now focus on amplification of its present instruments and institutions. The new states have rapidly learned the Union’s regulations and procedures and to place political conciliation before majority of votes. Thus, the agreement code has retained its center value in the EU. The significance of the incorporation process is the vision of a new regional individuality based on resolution among the European countries. The Eastern enlargement has opened the way to a real unification of the continent. After the occurrence of two World Wars on its region, it behooves Europe not to lose this opportunity. Thus, harmony between the old states and new members remains the subject to a flourishing future of the society.


Baun, Michael 2004: “Intergovernmental Politics”. In: Nugent, Neill (ed.) European Union Enlargement. Palgrave Macmillan, pp. 132-145.

Blockmans, Steven/Prechal, Sacha (eds.) 2008: Reconciling the Deepening and Widening of the European Union. The Hague: T.M.C Asser Press

Dehousse, Renaud/Deloche-Gaudez, Florence/Duhamel, Olivier (eds.) 2006: Élargissement. Common l’Europes’adapte. Paris: Centre d’étudeseuropéennes, Presses Sciences Po.

Dirk Leuffen 2010. “Breaking the Camel’s Back? Eastern Enlargement and EU Governance.” ECPR Paper Number 853, Center for Comparative and International Studies, ETH Zurich, p. 6

Faber, Anne 2009: “Eastern Enlargement in Perspective: A Comparative View on EC/EU Enlargements”. In: Loth, Wilfried (ed.): Experiencing Europe. 50 Years of European Construction 1957-2007. Baden-Baden: Nomos, pp. 305-325.

Falkner, Gerda 1996: “Enlarging the European Union”. In: Richardson, Jeremy J. (ed.) European Union. Powerand policy-making. London/New York: Routledge, pp. 233-246

Guérot, Ulrike 2005: ”Consequences and Strategic Impact of Enlargement on the (Old) EU”. In: Brimmer, Esther/ Fröhlich, Stefan (eds.): The Strategic Implications of European Union Enlargement.Johns Hopkins University: Centre for Transatlantic Relations, pp. 53-72.

Hagemann, Sara/De Clerck-Sachsse, Julia 2007: Decision-Making in the Council of Ministers: Evaluating the Facts. CEPS Policy brief No. 119, January 2007, available at

Lindner, Johannes 2003: “Institutional stabilityandchange: two sides of thesamecoin”. Journal of European Public Policy 10:6, December 2003, pp. 912-935.

Miles, Lee 2004: “Theoretical Considerations”. In: Nugent, Neill (ed.) European Union Enlargement. Palgrave Macmillan, pp. 253-265.

Nugent, Neill (ed.) 2004: European Union Enlargement. Palgrave Macmillan.

Nugent, Neill 2004a: “Previous Enlargement Rounds.” In: Nugent, Neill (ed.): European Union Enlargement. PalgraveMacmillan, pp. 22-33.

Nugent, Neill 2004b: “Distinctive and Recurrent Features of Enlargement Rounds.” In: Nugent, Neill (ed.): European Union Enlargement. Palgrave Macmillan, pp. 56-69.

Preston, Christopher 1997: Enlargement and Integration in the European Union. London/New York: Routledg

Schmitter 2004: “Neo-Neofunctionalism”. In: Wiener, Antje/Diez, Thomas (eds.): European Integration Theory.Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp. 45-74.

Stacey, Jeffrey/Rittberger, Berthold 2003: “Dynamics of formalandinformal institutional change in the EU”. Journal of European Public Policy 10:6, December 2003, pp. 858-883.

Steunenberg, Bernard (ed.) 2002: Widening the European Union. Thepolitics of institutional changeandreform.London/New York: Routledge.

Steunenberg, Bernard 2002a: “Enlargement andreform in the European Union”. In:Steunenberg, Bernard (ed.): Widening the European Union.Thepolitics of institutional changeandreform. London/New York: Routledge, pp. 3-20.

Steunenberg, Bernard 2002b: “An evenwider Union.Theeffects of enlargement on EU decision-making”.In:Steunenberg, Bernard (ed.): Widening the European Union.Thepolitics of institutional changeandreform. London/ New York: Routledge, pp. 97-118.

Book review – with the Old Breed







Book review – with the Old Breed





Book review – with the Old Breed
The book “With the Old Breed” is a memoir of E.B. Sledge as a marine who fought some of the worst battles of the pacific during the WW II. Being involved in the combat during that time, Sledge narrates his personal encounters, unveiling the harsh realities faced by marines during wartime. The book explains how soldiers suffer both physically and mentally, and how such constant worry alters their life even after leaving the war . The narration begins with how in the 1942, Sledge was introduced to the marine as a freshman at Marion Military Institute. It provides an account of his training through boot camp, and later his pre-combat deployment at Pavuvu. Sledge then continues to recall his days in combat, the retraining and resting period, and later his second stint in combat during the capture of the Okinawa. The summary is about the end of the way, and the effects both mentally and morally the war implanted in the opposing sides.
Review and analysis
Sledge gives a clear account of the nature of humanity with regard to the actions that humans undertake in different circumstances. He discusses in fine detail his experience as a marine soldier, when he had a rough experience of a lifetime in the course of the Second World War. Nevertheless, he survived through the war period unscathed, without a physical would to testify. This does not mean that his participation in the war was unnoticed. The book gives a clear account of his first hand experience, which is quite touching. The book details Sledge’s experience from the boot camp to the campaigns that he was supposed to undergo as a member of the first marine division. The book explains how sledge underwent the two campaigns conducted at Peleliu and Okinawa. These campaigns were considered among the bloodiest and quite challenging campaigns of the pacific war. The book highlights that the campaigns were considered so because of the amount of men wounded and killed, and the physical hardships that emanated from the weather and terrain.
A deeper scrutiny of the book indicates that the campaigns noted had their results emanating from the tide turning in the favor of the allies. The book presents actual events that occurred in the observance of the writer. His observations are first hand and highly reliable since he directly participated in the combats during this time. Sledge discusses the approaches that different groups of fighters employed to establish firm resistance against the adversaries. He notes that man may turn inhuman at times, against the common expectations. The “humanity” of man is subject to changes based on his experience and the prevailing condition. This explains the reason as to why there were massive deaths in the course of the war. The book clearly depicts the war as a human activity set up by man to inflict pain on man for specific anticipated gains.
The book clearly demonstrates the role that weather plays during combats as sledge experienced and observed during the war. Weather and climate usually bore down on the spirit of a man engaged in combat. This adds superfluously to misery and fatigue, which may affect competence at war. Combatants may be weakened by these factors to the point of surrendering during a harsh war. For instance, the narrator notes that in Peleliu, the intense heat, unavailability of a natural water source as well as the hardcore ground would prevent a man from digging an ideal cover to escape the bombardment and the machine gun fire that were so intense . The book portrays the Japanese as radicals who would not give up easily. This explains the reason as to why the war was prolonged so that it went on for a long time.
Strengths of the book
This book is about to unveil the feeling of being a marine, what Sledge calls “esprit de corps.” It is clear that Sledge convinces the readers that being a marine is more of a calling than a career. This is clearly demonstrated by the bravery of the soldiers even when their colleagues were dying. In addition, sledge is able to demonstrate how marines feel about their colleagues, who like a family. Another strength of the book is the honesty, fort light and plain narration of the writer. Unlike oral narrative or thriller stories, which are backed by distortion and exaggeration, the book provides real accounts of what happens in the battlefield. The book is written in a simple language and format that enhances understandability of the content.
The message of the author is clearly developed. Sledge presents a precise description of events and occurrences, which are indeed terrific. For readers who have not had an experience of war incidences, sledge wants to bring to their attention the events that befall humanity, which have a significant influence over the behavior that they demonstrate. The book has a considerable strength in the manner in which the author communicates. He addresses the subject clearly by giving informed judgments based on his experience of the war (Sledge 1981). He presents the idea that human beings are influenced by the desire for power to execute unnecessary activities, which bring detriment upon people. This clearly indicates that the book is thorough in presenting the message intended and the conclusions that sum up the experience of the writer.
Weaknesses of the book
On the contrary, the narration is somehow biased, as it only provides accounts from one side of the war. It fails to tell the readers the atrocities that the marines were doing to their enemies, who may or may not have been having superior weapons. Like all battle narration, the issue of ethics is list considered. Equally, there is limited space to narrate all the accounts that happened during the wars. This is a weakness as the narrator is forced to summarize some of the occasions, which if narrated may have altered the readers’ perception. Essentially, the focus of the book is edged towards a particular side. It fails to consider both sides of the event of the war explicitly. This leaves some aspects unclear which the reader desires to know about concerning the war.
The narration was first intended for the family of the writer, however owing to the issues presented, the narrator’s wife found it necessary to expose it and ensure that some interested parties could access the first hand information which gave the experience of the writer. This presents a weakness in that the book is addressed to the family of the narrator and lacks the level of consistency expected for books addressed to the public. The language used is directed to the family and not to the public. This demeans the significance of the book in a public forum.
What makes Sledge such a reliable narrator?
Sledge is a reliable narrator as his writing is based on notes that he took throughout both campaigns. While he recalls some of the incidences, it is clear that the notes play a major role in assisting him remember the situation as it was then. This is attested by his narration, which is honest, raw, and gripping. Although he was in the army and eventually expected to observe the codes of conducts and privacy, Sledge unveils the horrors in the combat. His dispassionate honesty while describing unrelenting infantry of the combat makes his narration reliable. As a reader, my trust is based on his admission of how both sides used to torture prisoner to death.
At one point, sledge narrates how his sensitivity was nearly crushed to a point of starting to extract Japanese golden teeth. Such admission of mistakes and not mere glorification of his deeds boosts my trust on the narrator. Sledge draws the information and the content of the book from notes and memories, which give first hand information. This shows that the content of the book is reliable in all aspects since the author primarily collects and presents it. Sledge does not utilize secondary sources to communicate his intended message about the war. He relies on his memory and notes to present to the reader the actual events, which were indeed humiliating for prisoners of war and the combatants in general. His narration is well informed since he chronologically presents ideas and events in the manner they occurred. The flow of the story is coherent. He unveils the secrets of combats in detail to create the real picture of the outcomes of engaging in wars. This clearly depicts that sledge is a highly reliable narrator.
What is it about his tone, his style, his story telling, that makes this account of the war seem authentic and true?
The book clearly presents the feeling of the narrator about the events of the war. The tone is serious as the narrator addresses the seriousness that prevails within the war situation whereby combatants do not show mercy to the adversaries. The entire actions involve seriousness since the major goal of being in war is to win against the adversary. The book clearly depicts a serious tone of the narrator whereby he empathizes with the victims of the war who got helpless and died or got lifetime injuries in the course of the war. His style is highly appealing since he addresses every event in fine detail to ensure that the reader gets the point clearly and precisely. His style and tone creates an atmosphere of expectation where the reader craves to find out the next happenings. The style is therefore highly captivating. The book presents the reader with feeling of empathy since they can feel for the different culprits in the course of the war. As a memoir, the book gives a real life account of the experience of the writer, which depicts the things that surround humanity in a war situation. This plays a significant role in making the content of the book authentic, credible, and reliable.
The message of the book is clear. Wars have a significant impact on humanity. War events are terrific and reveal a very sad aspect in the character of humans. War entails brutality since combatants do not show mercy to the enemies. During war, norms are lost, and men do not have recourse. As a result, they rely on instinct and raw animalism in order to survive. The book reinforces sense of responsibility and sense into humanity so that they can elect leaders who clearly guarantee that such events as addressed in this book will never happen. The book depicts a clear picture of the harshness and the outcomes of war to inform the reader of 1the expectations of an event of war whereby, this should be avoided as much as possible.

Sledge, E. B. With the Old Breed: At Peleliu and Okinawa. Oxford: Oxford Paperbacks, 1981.

Female Soldiers in the Civil War, the Unsung Heroes



Female Soldiers in the Civil War, the Unsung Heroes







The day will come and European War will be out of damned, foolish thing in the Balkans1. Over the past centuries, disputes have never been alien among countries, one of the contributing factors to wars between and among countries was nationalism. This factor resulted in various European countries forming allies and some working against each other. A rather noticeable alliance was the triple alliance which was a constitution of Italy, Germany and what was known then as Austria-Hungary. There has been two world wars so far, the first one being triggered by the killing of Archduke Ferdinand, and the second one was the desire by the infamous Adolf Hitler under the Nazi regime to take control of Europe.
Much is sensitized on the causes and the victors of the war, but we forget about the brave heroes on the battlefield who were a major element to a country’s pride. Men and women who battled, leaving their loved ones, to go and fight for their country. Female soldiers in particular had a high important, as the likes of Sarah Edmonds Seeyle, had a share of the Cumberland military and stationed in Kentucky 2, we are going to deliberate the women who contributed to the victory of their states, and some of the hurdles they encountered in this paper
The Unsung Heroes
In the event of the First World War, many opportunities and professions were available for occupation, but unfortunately these positions were far out of reach for women as they were confined in social work and also household activities, to the extent that they were valued as resources for bearing and bringing up infants who would be used in the military According to the history website, during the second War, women whose number tallied to more than 300,000 served in the military, both at home and abroad, including the Women’s Air force Pilots, who on March 10, 2010, were rewarded the impressive Congressional Gold Medal4. Women important in the past two world wars cannot be ignored, as they proved that despite all odds and the stereotype that the society has on them, they could also carry a rifle and go to the battlefield to represent the colours of their flag. The involvement of women in the British military highly interested and impressed Lady Eleanor Roosevelt, who was the first lady in the United States serves alongside her husband.
Loreta Janeta Velazquez was another hero who originated from Cuba, she had a rather bizarre desire of wanting to become a man and enjoy every bit of privilege enjoyed by men. As stated by Sylvia
The privileges enjoyed by men made Madame Velazquez envious as the idea of becoming a man engraved her senses. She also expresses her interest of marital experiences after putting herself in the shoes of Deborah of the Hebrews, expressing a strong state of independence, the fact that her childhood was spent thinking about the desire of being a male figure mad her run away from her school for marriage to an American soldier5.
Madame Velazquez was extremely enthusiastic with the idea of becoming one of the military personnel that when she joined the Confederate army, she searched for opportunities to showcase her military expertise as she continued her service.
Some of the women that found themselves serving for their country never anticipated that they would have been in that position some time back. It’s due to passion and patriotism that they defied all odds and joined their nation’s military for service delivery. Their stories motivated women across the globe that the number of women witnessed in the military increased on every recruitment exercise held by the military.
Women air force was one of the least known contributing factors to the military. They participated in transportation of cargo, target strikes and also flying of airplanes from factories to military bases for mission and training purposes. This in turn elevated some task made by men as some of the workload was carried out by women, who indeed did a fantastic job.
Previously, women were close to work in a variety of positions, the air force saw a bumper increase in the tallies of women6. Contrary to the former .1 percent work force of women that worked in the air force, the new county consisted of an impressive 65% of all work done in air force section7. The huge number increase came forth as the women had proved to the world that they could also be part of service delivery other than be excluded to only perform social chores and other menial duties. No doubt that discrimination against women in the military was coming to a cease at some of the unsung heroes had clearly brought forth a challenge in a male dominated industry. Their efforts were being felt and recognized in all corners of the world.
Much was done to promote women military involvement as stated in the history online articleWomen had the recognition of approval when General George Marshall approved the introduction of women’s sub branch of the military. The previous women auxiliary corps was changed to women’s army corps, which then by then had full military status. Its recruits increased to more than a hundred thousand a rather impressive percentage, as compared to when it started. Various sections of the groups accepted volunteer tasks in emergency service delivery, which also influenced the involvement of the Marine corporals.

The women’s involvement in the military has been a significant factor. Much of the women’s involvement in the military was noted during the Second World War where there was a huge increase in number in the recruitment exercise, the military base and also the forefront during battle. Opportunities were shared equally as time progressed, and even today the percentage of women serving the military is noticeable.







1. Bismark ,Otto Von. Quotes about world war, Goodreads accessed on march/25/2014
2.” Sarah Emma Edmonds,” Civil War Trust, March 3 2014,
3. “American Women in World War 2”, History, March 3 2014,
4. “Women in the armed forces,” History, March 3 2014,
5.”Madame Loreta Janet Velazquez: Heroine or Hoaxer,” Historynet, March 3 2014,
6. “Women in the armed forces,” History, March 3 2014,
7.” Sarah Emma Edmonds,” Civil War Trust, March 3 2014,
8. “Women in the armed forces,” History, March 3 2014,







Concepts in Acid-Base Titrations



Concepts in Acid-Base Titrations

By Name

Professor’s Name
Institutional Affiliation
City and State




This purpose of this report is to rank various salt solutions using their pH levels. First, a prediction of the ranking of various salt solutions is presented then a confirmation is done using Virtual ChemLab. From these results, it is possible to find out the strong acids, weak acids, neutral solution, weak base and the strong base.
Salt Solutions
The salts solutions under consideration in this examination include Ammonium Chloride(NH4Cl), Sodium Bicarbonate (NaHCO3), Potassium Nitrate (KNO3), Ammonia (NH3), Sulfuric Acid (H2SO4), Hydrochloric Acid (HCl), Sulfurous Acid (H2SO3), Acetic Acid (CH3COOH), Hydrogen Cyanide (HCN), Sodium Hydroxide (NaOH), Sodium Cyanide (NaCN), Sodium Acetate (NaCH3COO) and Trisodium Phosphate (Na3PO4).
From the above list of salt solutions, it is possible to come up with a prediction, as shown below, of how the solutions rank in their pH before confirming the same in Virtual ChemLab.
Strong acids Hydrochloric Acid (HCl),
Sulfuric Acid (H2SO4),
Weak acids Sulfurous Acid (H2SO3)
Acetic Acid (CH3COOH),
Hydrogen Cyanide (HCN)
Acidic salt Ammonium Chloride(NH4Cl)
Neutral salt Potassium Nitrate (KNO3)
Basic Salts Sodium Bicarbonate (NaHCO3),
Sodium Acetate (NaCH3COO)
Trisodium Phosphate (Na3PO4
Weak base Ammonia (NH3)
Sodium Cyanide (NaCN)
Strong base Sodium Hydroxide (NaOH)

pH determines the concentration hydrogen ion in a salt solution. Since salt does not have hydrogen ions, it has to be mixed with water to establish the pH level of the salt. When this is done the salt reacts with the water to form H3O+ and OH-. The structure and strength of ions existing in salts often vary. No wonder different salt solutions have different pH levels.
Furthermore, pH has values varying from 1 to 14. Solutions having pH that is less than 7 are considered acidic while those having pH level greater than 7 represent basic solutions. Neutral solutions often have a pH level of 7.
After making the predictions, the next step entails using Virtual ChemLab to make confirmations. To access the titration lab, start Virtual ChemLab, click Acid-Base Chemistry and then choose Ranking Salt Solutions by pH from the list of assignments. Since most of the solutions existing in the stockroom have 0.1 mol/L concentration, what would follow is measurement of the pH and recording (Woodfield et al., 2012).
Preparation will be needed for the ammonia solution and the sulfuric acid. The preparation of these solution entailed dilution. Furthermore, there was need to prepare Sodium Bicarbonate and Potassium Nitrate from solid salts. Ammonium Chloride (NH4Cl) was ready for use at the start of the experiment.



Solution pH
Hydrochloric Acid (HCl) 1.0
Sulfuric Acid (H2SO4) 1.6
Sulfurous Acid (H2SO3) 1.8
Acetic Acid (CH3COOH) 2.9
Hydrogen Cyanide (HCN) 5.0
Ammonium Chloride(NH4Cl) 5.1
Potassium Nitrate (KNO3) 7.0
Sodium Bicarbonate (NaHCO3) 8.4
Sodium Acetate (NaCH3COO) 8.5
Trisodium Phosphate (Na3PO4) 8.9
Ammonia (NH3) 11.1
Sodium Cyanide (NaCN) 11.2
Sodium Hydroxide (NaOH) 13.0

According to the above table, Sodium hydroxide (NaOH) has the highest pH level of 13.0, indicating that it is a strong base, while Hydrochloric Acid (HCl) has the least pH level of 1.0, indicating that it is a strong acid. The neutral solution is that of Potassium Nitrate (KNO3) that has a pH of 7.0.
Sulfuric acid is another strong acid with a pH of 1.6. The weak acids include Sulfurous Acid (H2SO3), Acetic Acid (CH3COOH) and Hydrogen Cyanide (HCN). Ammonium Chloride (NH4Cl) is an acidic salt. The basic salts include Sodium Bicarbonate (NaHCO3), Sodium Acetate (NaCH3COO) and Trisodium Phosphate (Na3PO4). The weak bases include Ammonia (NH3) and Sodium Cyanide (NaCN) while the strong base is Sodium Hydroxide (NaOH).


This report ranked various salt solutions based on their pH levels. Sodium hydroxide (NaOH) had highest pH level of 13.0, indicating that it is a strong base while Hydrochloric Acid (HCl) had a pH level of 1.0, indicating that it is a strong acid. The neutral solution was Potassium Nitrate (KNO3) that has a pH of 7.0.







Woodfield, B. F., Catlin, H. R., Asplund, M. C., & Brigham Young University. (2002).Virtual ChemLab: General chemistry laboratories. Upper Saddle River, N.J: Pearson Education



The Western view of the Rwandan Genocide






The Western View of the Rwandan Genocide














The Western View of the Rwandan Genocide
The world’s major countries will continue to experience national politics and public aspects and it is not expected for a country to recognize this without help from other countries. This may initiate close and proper action before the crimes turn to be disastrous. The responsibility of the international countries through international organizations involve helping recognize the situations that require close and outlined involvement. However, such decisions are not possible without the verdicts of the countries that are greater than other member nations. For this case, most west countries are involved in such crucial matters that involve matters of care and responsibility. During the Rwandan genocide, the West viewed Rwanda as a stable and set-apart country with civilization and modernity, one with an understanding of the human rights, and one that was of no interest to their cumulative weight. The paper aims as compiling the western perspective and understanding of Rwanda during the occurrence of the genocide that began 1994.The case will include evidence against the claims that the West understood Rwandan genocide in terms of absence of modernity, statehood, understanding of human rights, and radical alterity.
Most of the world took the stand to watch on the sidelines during the genocide with the hope that the loss of life and political entanglement that Rwanda experienced would be over within a short period. The Security Council, even with the supply of over 5,000 security personnel, delayed and was only there after the genocide was over (Melvern, 2000). The denial of recommendation by the Security Council was a fail and a main controversy in the Rwanda genocide. The west regarded the Rwanda genocide as none of their interest and value, therefore, did not see any essence in preventing the violence and the life losing situation. Stopping the violence in Rwanda could warrant the expense of resources and the risk of life for western countries at no gain. For instance, Rwandan genocide did not interest the west countries hence was not given most emphasis as in the case of Yugoslavia. Instead, the delay cost Rwandan citizens thousands of lives. Also, the genocide caused psychological and mentality fear among the millions of the ones that lived to tell the story. The reluctance of the United Nations involvement in African continent is a misconception of the UN’s duty. Their duty and the Security Council would have been to have peacekeeping agendas at their best interest. The country’s public cry should have made the west initiate activities of peacekeeping rather than being a watch while all the morally bad actions took place.
Similarly, the UN Security Council’s act of sending a small and cheap-effort keeping security rescue to Rwanda after the stat of the genocide is an illustration of a horrifying view of conflicts that were taking place. Again, the west sent security that was limited to Kigali, Rwanda’s capital, which showed the lack of care and interest for the Rwanda Citizens during their conflicts. Similarly, the UN security was instructed not to seize weapons and only observed the conflicts and killings. This disregards the West’s concern over the human rights of Rwanda citizens. The west, also took a bad decision choice by not engaging in the peace initiating acts to the country. Similarly, some of the Western countries airlifted their citizens, such as America while no Rwandan citizen was rescues even the Rwandans employed by those governments in their embassies. The west’s role involved watching humans being deprived of life, the main fundamental right, and yet did nothing to help. The involvement of the US especially in the peace keeping security measure, as President Clinton, once noted, depended on the cumulative weight of the American interest that was at stake at the time.
The west’s acts in the course of the Rwanda genocide were taken with a mixture of frustration and awe. At the start of the conflicts in Rwanda, the people flew to assemble in areas where the UN flag hanged. However, this would not last. As Grünfeld & Huijboom (2007) note, the western peacekeepers were sneaking away while there were thousands of unarmed refugees at the UN stations. The unthinkable acts of abandoning the Rwandan citizens at their time of need were frustrating. There was no concern for the value of human life, statehood, and modernity in such situations. The people’s only hope at that time was the UN, and while the victims escaped to the UN headquarters, they were herded along the way by soldiers and militia. Also, soldiers, humanitarian aid, armoured vehicles only started arriving in masses after the genocide was over. The issue with this arises with the thought of the endless meetings that were held for the west to actively be involved in saving the human lives that were destroyed during the genocide. Even after the end of the genocide, the soldiers were still armed among the innocent tens of thousands of Rwanda’s genocide perpetrators. Similarly, the ruling at the camps was done with brutality and fear. Also, the aid workers played the role of caterers to individuals who probably were a collection of mass murderers.
According to Grünfeld & Huijboom (2007), the whole international community played a part in the planning of the genocide. For instance, the United Nations, similar to most of its agencies, the World Bank, International Monetary Fund, and independent aid groups are among the international community that took intentional or unintentional role. The western and local political leaders and scholars still recognize the occurrence of the time and how the role played by all bystanders was extremely miserable. The west used a system of not acting and withholding their instruments, which aided nothing on stopping or diminishing the atrocities. In this, they allowed the genocide to continue. The west also lacked to view the real possibility of genocide in Rwanda (Melvern, 2000). The world was in a new era of achieving modernity. This made the possibility of people from a tribe killing each other with no basis a mere possibility. However, with the start of the genocide, the west would hardly be convinced to the recognition of the conflict as genocide. The west, and especially the UN, was held was held back by the legalistic arguments on whether the conflicts met the definition of genocide (Melvern, 2000). Differently, the west could have acted after recognizing the massive killings even though the conflict did not mean the definition of genocide.
By the beginning of Rwanda conflicts, central Africa’s culture and civilization had already been achieved. This was different from the early times, where modernity was yet a story in most African countries. For instance, the early journals described the moral and physical ugliness of Africa’s primitive races. The view of Rwanda, as a country, which had achieved civilization and modernity prevented the West from acting fast enough after the start of the conflicts. The maturity of the country with different groups and cultures would not be expected to turn to the negative turn of events. With this view, the Belgians lacked to recognize their role in bringing peace and order to Rwanda. The European, for instance, viewed Rwanda as a stately race of warrior kings, which they had created after their arrival to Rwanda in the nineteenth century (Gourevitch, 1998). The European also assumed that the setting of the Rwanda’s cultural arrangement as a natural arrangement, which would help advocate for peace and unity rather than hatred and mass killings. The west, also, from the early days viewed Rwanda as a country filled with ferocious exclusiveness that had crosses the frontier. This would have led the Western politicians to believe in the ability of the country to solve and evaluate its issues exclusively of involving others in their issues.
Similarly, as Gourevitch (1998) illustrates, the western countries embraced Rwanda’s Hamitic pretext, which the colonizers used to divide the nation against itself. The distinction between the Tutsi and the Hutu by the west contributed largely to the regard of the conflict in Rwanda. For instance, as Gourevitch (1998) notes, some of the distinguished European observers became carried out in the non-refinement of the Tutsi who were seen as more dark, natural, and aristocratic as compared to the Hutus.
The Nation’s Security Council has in the past accepted the failure to prevent the genocide that took place in Rwanda, in 1994. The western countries, most of whom had the ability to stop the massacres did nothing to see the end of the massacres. The lack of governments to provide un-political stop to the genocide evidenced many mistakes in handling the issue. The occurrence of the genocide and the failed responsibility to take a chance and stop the immoral acts evidenced the western view of Rwanda. First, Rwanda was of no interest to most western countries, so the genocide would not affect the western countries. Additionally, Rwanda was an independent country with a stable inter-community culture, which made the Western countries view the conflicts between the communities as temporal acts. The country, also was modernized enough to undertake in genocide acts, hence, the UN’s failure to define the violence in the country as a genocide. Together, the western countries and international organizations need to see past the problems and their definitions of the member nations and act professionally to stop and crush genocides before their start or early enough to protect human rights to life. For the case of Rwanda, the United Nations were concerned in whether the mass killings between the Hutus and Tutsi were genocide or not. The problem with the definition is that the United Nations took much time, which intentionally or unintentionally delayed the response to prevent acts of violence and killing in the country.


















Gourevitch, Philip. (1998). We wish to Inform you that Tomorrow We Will Be Killed with Our Families. New York: Picador.
Grünfeld, F., & Huijboom, A. (2007. The Failure to Prevent Genocide in Rwanda: The Role of Bystanders. The Netherlands: Martinus Nijhoff Publishers.
Melvern, L. (2000). A People Betrayed: The Role of the West in Rwanda’s Genocide. New York: Zed Books.


Past U.S. Foreign Policy in the Middle East and the upcoming 2014 challenges

Past U.S. Foreign Policy in the Middle East and the upcoming 2014 challenges
Past U.S. Foreign Policy in the Middle East
The United States has a host of strategic allies in the Middle East including Turkey, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Israel, Egypt, Kuwait, Bahrain and Morocco among others. The United States interests in the Middle East are considered as imperialist. In this case, the US focuses on their geo-strategic leverages to exert control of the energy resources within the region. These resources are oil and natural gas, and the pipelines and the sea lines that connect the region to the global market (Robinson, par 1-8).
The League of Nations led by President Woodrow Wilson created and obligated the mandates of the League that had developed colonial boundaries to the Middle East territories. These boundaries profoundly shaped the political realities of the region. The United States’ involvement in the regional politics of the Middle East intensified in the 1940s in support of its vital national interests. In this case, the US waged a war against communism during the Cold War, guaranteed a steady supply of oil, and ensured that the region did not fall under any single power. Recently, the country’s focus has been on fighting terrorism in the region that they consider a threat to their national security (Cummins, p. 86; Baxter, p. 93).
The attempt’s by the United States regimes to develop the Middle East as a hub of democracy resulted into developed and resilient insurgent forces in Iraq, led to a steady increase in the global prices of oil, terrorist bombings in various cities around the world including London, Madrid, among others. Unwavering United States support for Israel and its intensified effort to spread democracy in the region has compromised the Arab and Islamic opinions and significantly jeopardized the national security of the country. The remarkable material and diplomatic, strategic partnership between the United States and Israel is significant as it has assisted in meeting the strategic threats that have been on with respect to the security of the United States.
The proclamation by the United States that its interests are to advance and to promote stability and democracy in the region are increasingly being questioned. The US has on several occasions offered its support to oppressive regimes in the Middle East. During the Cold War, many United States policy makers perceived that a stable ally in the region regardless of whether or not it was dictatorial was much more preferable than an unstable regime that could side with the Soviets. The United States continued to offer military and financial support to regimes that were being criticized by human rights groups for their human rights violations or lack of democracy even after the end of the Cold War (Fawcett, pp. 157-203). For instance, the country continued to offer its support to Turkey despite that it suppressed the struggle for Kurdish autonomy.
The Arab spring provided an opportunity for the United States to refocus its conceptualization of its Middle East foreign affairs policy. It refocused its efforts to understanding the dynamics of its military assistance, and the potential danger inherent in the practices of militancy. Researchers such as Benard Lewis argue that the United States first instigated the domino effects of the Arab uprising in its 2003 invasion of Iraq. They posit that the presence of a large United States military force presence in the country with the objective of overthrowing the country’s dictator would inspire the Arab youth to awaken and seek to overthrow the dictator of their countries. They argue further, that the fashion with which the United States entered the region caused the people of the region to rally with the dictators to protect themselves against a possible American invasion. This strengthened the position of the dictators that the United States sought to remove from power. These experts suggest that the United States should have acted with the same domestic political standards that it seeks to advance in its foreign policy. The emphasis should have been the case since the Arab spring was a struggle for liberty, democracy, and much greater and enhanced economic distribution of resources.
The upcoming 2014 foreign policy challenges that the United States faces
The United States has outlined its objectives on foreign policy for the Middle East region has facilitated the Iraqis in their efforts to build a country that is unified, stable and prosperous. It has also focused its attention to the renewal of progress towards developing a two-state solution to the conflicts that exist between the Palestinians and the Israelis (Collins, par 8-11).
The country has also expressed its commitment to fighting terrorism and its wide networks, as well as state sponsors. This they hope will help to curtail the spread of weapons of mass destruction.
The challenges that the US faces as the world moves through 2014 is establishing new and long lasting diplomatic ties, which will guarantee sustainable platforms of interaction and collaboration that will lead to long-lasting peace, security and stability within the region. The United States has a number of loopholes that it has to tighten before making further negotiation with the Middle East countries. In the Iraq and Afghanistan war, the US has to focus on ending strongly in order to win their trust and to protect its reputation and global leadership position. It should develop a peace treaty with Israel and establish strong diplomatic ties with Iran. The current economic challenges of the United States can be solved by improved diplomatic ties and peace in the Middle East since it is a major strain on its economic (Bouchet, pp. 31-51).
The country’s interests in the Middle East are under threat by two factors. The first is the threat of Iran and the second is the Israeli-Palestine conflict. The threat of Iran to the advancement of the interests of the United States is not military. It is also fuelled by the idea that the country is building a nuclear weapon. The threat is that Iran has been extending its influence to the surrounding countries in the region with a focus on Iraq and Afghanistan. This extended influence will destabilize the region. The other factor to the threat of Iran is that it supports terrorism (Miller, par. 2 -7).
The United States is facing the threat that most of the countries of the Middle East may choose to align themselves with Russia, in response to the interim agreement that the United States has entered with Iran in respect to their nuclear program. Many countries have made initiatives develop multi-lateral relationships with other states. This is because Arab states increasingly doubt the commitment of the United States in protecting their national interests due to its involvement in the region’s conflicts (Herrmann et al., par 6-12). The US is facing a challenge in the advancement of its policies in the Middle East due to the rebellion to its policies led by King Abdullah of Saudi Arabia. The king has been offering incentives and financial, military aid to countries such as Lebanon. It is also encouraging them to purchase their arms from the French rather than from the United States. The trade deal advanced by Saudi Arabia is meant to bribe France so that it can continue offering obstruction to negotiations between President Obama and President Dr. Hassan Rouhani of Iran (Hook, pp. 26-74). President Obama has also raised the concern that the failure of the United States to intervene in the Syria war against the use of chemical weapons should not be interpreted as a weakening of the resolve of the country in the region. He argued the contradiction that the United States faces in the region. The country is chastised for intervening in the region while at the same time being blamed for their lack of adoption of adequate measures that will assist the region to solve its problems. It is accused of being indifferent towards the suffering citizens of the region who are mostly Muslims (Engel, par 1-7).
It is becoming increasingly accepted that the United States will be shifting its position from being a major petroleum importer to being a significant global exporter of petroleum. This is because of the increased domestic discovery and production of petroleum. It is also facilitated by the range of energy efficient policies that the country has adopted as well as an expansion in domains that consume naturally produced gas of the country. This development will have a profound effect on United States foreign policies in the Middle East. However, the United States is obligated to maintain and safeguard its interests in the Middle East (Bouchet, pp. 31-51). This is to help facilitate and maintain global energy markets that are stable as well as to counter the security threats that will be towards the country and its allies from the region.
Most of the country’s policies are shaped by its foreign affairs approach and challenges. For decades now, the US has been forced to develop and formulate policies with a critical focus on the Middle East. The geo-strategic advantages of the Middle East have made the country to investment significantly in extending and embedding its influence in the region. A long lasting solution is needed to the challenges that face the region. This solution should incorporate the various parties and stakeholders within the region and empower them to drive their agendas about mutual partnerships and upholding human rights and ensuring the security and stability of the region. The US has made pledges of pulling out its troops from Iraq and Afghanistan, and this will be critical in trying to mend and restore trust between these countries. In many ways, the US foreign policy impacts greatly on the entire world.

Works Cited
Bouchet, Nicolas. “The democracy tradition in US foreign policy and the Obama presidency.” International Affairs 89.1 (2013): 31-51.
United States is considered to have the most mature democracy in the world. The last five years have been a daunting task to the US; Bouchet analyzes the democracy tradition in the US.
Baxter, Kylie, and Shahram Akbarzadeh. US foreign policy in the Middle East: The roots of anti-Americanism. Routledge, 2012.
The study was aimed at determining if US foreign policy e.g. US support for oppressive regimes and the way in which this influences the Middle Eastern public view on the United States.
Chomsky, Noam. US Foreign Policy in the Middle East. Retrieved from:, 2010.
In a UNESCO meeting held in Lebanon, Noam explores the complexity that exists in the international systems and international relations methodology. Chomsky takes the American policy and tears it apart in an effort to explain the concept further.
Cox, Michael, and Doug Stokes. Us Foreign Policy. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012. Print.
These specialists provide a reader with a detailed and comprehensive analysis of what is meant by foreign policy.
Collins, Marshall. Exclusion vs. Inclusion: American and Turkish Foreign Policy in the Middle East. Retrieved from:, 2012.
The reasons behind democracy engagements, diplomatic ties and foreign policy are all discussed and analyzed by Collins.
Cummins, Joshua I. Hearts and Minds: US Foreign Policy and Anti-Americanism in the Middle East An Analysis of Public Perceptions from 2002-2011. Diss. Wright State University, 2012.
The study analyzes Middle Eastern public perspective of the United States and how its foreign policy in the Middle East relates with approval levels of the U.S.
Engel, Richard, “Afghanistan and beyond: US foreign policy challenges in 2014.” Retrieved from:, 2014.
Engel delves in a whole new perspective and outlook of the Middle East situation and the American policy.
Fawcett, Louise, ed. International relations of the Middle East. Oxford University Press, 2013.
The book deeply analyzes and explains the foreign policy variation, regional balancing, security and US policy impact in the Middle East.
Herrmann, Richard, et al. “A Current Events Symposium: US Foreign Policy in the Middle East.” Retreived From:, (2011).
Researchers in this study analyze the issues and policies surrounding the recent uprisings and conflicts in Middle East.
Hook, Steven W. US foreign policy: the paradox of world power. CQ Press, 2013.

Hook takes to providing a deep and well-crafted analysis of what the United States policy is all about.
Miller, Paul D. “Evangelicals, Israel and US Foreign Policy.” Retrieved From:–global-politics-and-strategy-february-march-2014-e67d/56-1-02-miller-0ca4. (2014).
Miller analyzes the mix of idealism and realism in the American polices that have been developed in regard to the Middle East.
Robinson, Dan. “Foreign Policy Challenges Will Continue in 2014.” Retrieved From:, 2013.
Robison clearly explains the challenges that the united has faced so far in the last five years and what should be expected in 2014 and beyond.
Stokes, Bruce. “American’s foreign policy priorities for 2014.” Retrieved From: 2013.
Stoke takes a look at the major decisions, policies and challenges will be face through 2014.
Wawro, Geoffrey. Quicksand: America’s Pursuit of Power in the Middle East. New York: Penguin Books, 2011. Print.
This book presents the reader with an unprecedented history of how the United States got involved in the Middle East and explains the interests of the US, in short it simply analyses the origins and roots of the current situation.
Ziadeh, Radwan. Power and policy in Syria: intelligence services, foreign relations and democracy in the modern Middle East. IB Tauris, 2011.


Sustainable Environmental Policy











Sustainable Environmental Policy













My motivation to pursue a Master’s Degree in Environmental Policy emanates from my passion for a better world for the current and future generations. I am deeply concerned with the prevailing level of environmental degradation, even as most nations around the world strive to align their environmental policies with the UN’s KYOTO protocol. Currently, most environmental protocols are discretely aimed at solving the prevailing environmental concerns and per se, the global fraternity has considerably overlooked environmental sustainability (Hussey, & Dovers, 2013). Addressing the issue of environmental sustainability requires commitment to environmental policies at both macro and micro levels. This implies that both governments and individuals must be ready to undertake critical environmental measures and changes. As a Professional Manager, I understand the difficulty of managing people at a global scale. However, having been in the management profession for quite a long time, I believe that I have the necessary experience and education background to conduct a meaningful research on the global environmental sustainability and subsequently sensitize the global community on the urgency of pursuing sustainable environment policies. I realize that such a research would be even more productive and effective when I have a comprehensive education background in environment and environmental policies. That is why I am determined and highly interested in pursuing a Master’s Degree in Environmental Policy.

I see this Master’s program as indispensable because it will enable me to advance my knowledge in my area of research interest, which is sustainable environment. Environmental sustainability as an agenda for modern policy has become a major concern due to its close relationship to the long term sustainability of the human society. According to Dovers (2005), it is no longer a matter of discrete local environmental concern, but rather a global issue that entails more than simply taking care of the environment. It involves fostering human development in a manner that does not damage the opportunities for future generations to use natural resources and enjoy a healthy environment. The modern idea of environmental sustainability involves the formulation of sustainable cities, sustainable transport and sustainable energy to mention but a few. It is the high time that the world understood the importance of a sustainable environment, biodiversity, ecological life supporting systems, and the need to treat environment and development in an integrated way rather than as separate competing considerations (Clini et al. 2008). This necessitates the need for research so as to assess the various environmental sustainability concerns, the level of competition between development and environment conservation measures and the most feasible mitigation strategies.

In addition, I want to pursue a Master’s Degree in Environmental Policy so that I can meet my professional and career goals. My aim is to eventually become an internationally accredited environmentalist with a strong background in management. This will enable me to extend my environmentalism policies to companies and governments from a managerial perspective. This way, I will have effectively contributed to the creation of a better world for the modern and future generations.

I believe that I have the necessary willpower, knowledge and experience not only to complete the masters program successfully but also to add value to the program. This program will get me closer to my academic, career and professional goals.







Clini, C., Musu, I., & Gullino, M. L. (2008). Sustainable development and environmental management: Experiences and case studies. Dordrecht, the Netherlands: Springer.

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Dovers, S. (2005). Environment and sustainability policy: Creation, implementation, evaluation. Sydney: Federation Press.

Hussey, K. &

Dovers, S., (2013). Environment and sustainability: A policy handbook.

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