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Title: social classes

With regards to Bourdieu’s theories, cultural capital, field and habitus forms the core feature growth of classes. This graphic explains the Bourdieu idea regarding arts that might be legitimate for instance cinema or jazz but as compared with any other sector more securely-consecrated images (Fowler, 1997, p45).

Discussion: With representation of the current world, societal changes are quite eminent in terms of leadership and essentially significant grouping are well established to form serious institutionalized organizations (Swartz, 1997, p89). While mostly, religious factor and other bodies have been always portrayed as the main determinant of separation in the community thus it has typically emerged that grouping or social cases have intensely contributed to the creation of the well relevant bodies in the contemporary society (Fowler, 1997, p78). That outlined cultural capital deliberately includes the worth of shared networks that Bourdieu well indicated could be used to create or reproduce a sense of inequality. Finally, each comparatively autonomous exposed field of modern life, for instance politics, arts, journalism, economy, bureaucracy, science or even education engenders a detailed complex of social dealings where the agents would engage their everyday performances. In practice, a group develops a certain inherent disposition for societal action that is well conditioned by their typical position on the outlined field (Hebdige, 1996, p56)

Graphic Fig: shows earlier social classes in the European feudal system

Conclusion: Noting the well deterministic or the inculcation of the different subjective structures of the social change can be well observed throughout statistical data, for instance, it is perceptibly selective affinity with the complete objective structures or systems of the social, but world extrapolates the continuity of the communal order throughout time (Swartz, 1997,p 67).








Cotemporary Cultural Issues


            Universally, world is struggling with extensive attempts to be enhance equality. Most governments are frequently engaged on matters relating to reducing the widened gap between the rich and the poor. Most societies are typically wailing. Ritualistically, social or economic classes are issues that have existed immemorially considering that past leadership and traditional structures always recognized certain grouping of people as the most preferred or ranked in certain order. Notably, through incorporation of democratic leadership which is accepted by many countries worldwide – social segregation and division in terms of classes is an issue to ponder about. The eminent predicament or challenge noted prompted Karl Marx and Pierre Bourdieu to derive theories to define the issue and elaborate on it. Other notable sociologists have also considered grouping the topic into various segments that is well easily assessable which includes objective or subjective models. Essentially regards concerning   social classes is fundamentally segmented into cultural capital, field and habitus which forms the main stem of Bourdieu’s theories (Bourdieu, 1993, p 69).


Cotemporary Cultural Issues: Assessment of Bourdieu’s propositions

            Pierre Bourdieu whose life spanned 1930 to 2002 was born in a working-class family in a tiny village in southern region France called Denguin. His father was a peasant turned postal worker with slight formal schooling, but he motivated a young Bourdieu to follow the unsurpassed educational opportunities his home country had to present (Swartz, 1997, p 67). The assessment of Bourdieu’s scheme with regards to the production of belief is quite detailed. Bourdieu persistently raises impeccable questions regarding theoretical and conceptual issues relating to propositions of beliefs especially with anchoring to ethnographic instances (Hebdige, 1996, p56). Bourdieu’s theories dwell widely on cultural capital, field and habitus issues. Cultural Capital factors created by Bourdieu, heavily borrowed from, the theories of Karl Marx’s effects is perhaps most palpable in Bourdieu’s entailed theory of cultural capital (Bourdieu, 1993, p 67). Similar to Marx, Bourdieu well argued that capital created the establishment of social life is typically dictated one’s entailed position within the social placed order.

            For both Bourdieu and Marx, the more capital a person has the more commanding and powerful a position one conventionally occupies in social sphere life. However, Bourdieu further extended Marx’s model or idea of capital past the economic or financial and into the more essence of symbolic realm of outlined culture (Hebdige, 1996, p67). Consistent with Bourdieu’s, the concept of cultural capital exclusively refers to the compilation of symbolic elements for instance skills, clothing, mannerisms, tastes, posture, material belongings, credentials and many more. These are acquired through being part of a scrupulous social class (Hebdige, 1996, p56). Typically, sharing analogous forms of cultural-oriented capital with other people and the same taste in movies, for instance, a degree from prestigious schools Ivy League School and thus creates a sense of shared identity and cluster position or a feeling of (“people like us”). Contrarily, Bourdieu also notes that cultural capital is a key source of social dissimilarity or inequality (Hebdige, 1996, p57). Certain notable forms of cultural capital are highly valued as compared to others, and can hence help or hinder a person’s social mobility as similar to income or wealth.

            Confirmable to Bourdieu, cultural capital apparently comes in three notable forms grouped as embodied, institutionalized and objectified. One’s accent personal or dialect is an instance of personified cultural capital, whilst a luxury car or record collection is instances of cultural capital in its well objectified state nature. In its explained institutionalized model or form, cultural capital systematically refers to entailed credentials and qualifications similar to degrees or titles that strategically symbolize cultural capability and authority (Hebdige, 1996, p67). Bourdieu further acknowledged and extended the design of capital into various categories for instance social capital, symbolic capital and cultural capital and according to him each person occupied a position in an entirely multidimensional social space; and thus he or she is not typically defined only by the social class association or membership, but by each single variety of capital he can possibly articulate through the social relations (Hebdige, 1996, p58). In practice, a group develops a certain inherent disposition for societal action that is well conditioned by their typical position on the outlined field. Under these factors a dominant or dominated and orthodox or heterodox are the two potential ways of frequently positioning the agents on the availed field; these fundamental binary notable distinctions are always supplementary analyzed considering the varying specialties of each outlined field (Hebdige, 1996, p64). This distinguished disposition, entirely combined with every additional disposition the individual well develops through his designed engagement on a considerable multidimensional social world, will ultimately tend to suit a sense of the game, an incomplete comprehensive of the outlined field and of social placed order in general, a realistic sense, a sensible reason, a way of di-vision or even classification of the entire world, a tone of voice, an opinion, a taste, a group of typical body activities and mannerisms entailed (Hebdige, 1996, p56).

            Through this procedure, the social field may perhaps become more multifaceted and autonomous, whilst the individual typically develops a convinced habitus that is archetypal of a person’s position in the outlined social space (Hebdige, 1996, p56). In that undertaking, social agents regularly legitimate acknowledge, and reproduce the outlined social forms of world domination in the process including prejudices and even the common opinions of every clouding from conscience, field as self-evident and practice even the appreciation of other promising means of production or inclusion symbolic production and entailed power relations (Bourdieu, 1993, p 67).

. Noting the deterministic or the inculcation of the various subjective structures of the entire habitus can be well observed throughout statistical data, for instance, while it is obviously selective affinity with the entire objective structures or systems of the social world extrapolates the continuity of the communal order throughout time (Bourdieu, 1993, p 68).

. Usually, individual habitus is constantly a mix of manifold engagements in the notable social world throughout the person’s life, whilst the social fields are placed into practice through the felt agency of the various individuals, no communal or social field or order can be entirely stable (Bourdieu, 1993, p 67).

            Similarly, if the link between unit predisposition and social configuration is far well stronger, ordinary sense tends to constantly believe, it is not an ideal match (Swartz, 1997, p78). On contrary, Habitus is another remarkably idealistic thought of Bourdieu’s most dominant yet ambiguously felt concepts. It critically refers to the entire physical and embodiment outline of cultural capital, to the profoundly ingrained skills, habits, and dispositions that persons hold due to life experiences and challenges. Bourdieu habitually entailed the use of sports metaphors while elaborating on the habitus, repeatedly distinguishing it as a “feel for the game.” Similar to a accomplished baseball player who “just knows” when to timely swing at a 95-miles-per-hour inherent fastball exclusive of consciously thinking on it, very individual has an embodied form of “feel” for the existent social situations or placed “games” we recurrently find people in (Bourdieu, 1993, p 67).

. Correspondingly, in right situations, human habitus systematically allows them to successfully navigate upwards or downwards the social environments (Bourdieu, 1993, p 69).

. For instance, if a person grew up in a notable rough, crime-based neighborhood in Baltimore, a person would most probably have the category of street smarts desirable to successfully stay alive or steer clear of aggressive or violent confrontations, “hustle” for their jobs and seek money in a neighborhood or environs with awfully low employment, and evade police surveillance or even harassment. However, if a person is lucky and has a neighborhood to go to college, he would probably discover that this matching set of skills and entailed dispositions was not valuable and maybe even detrimental to a person’s success in his new social scenario (Bourdieu, 1993, p 69).


            Habitus further acknowledges human “taste” for cultural placed objects for instance food, art, and clothing (Bourdieu, 1993, p 65). In single segment of his tangible works, distinction, Bourdieu connects French citizens’ distinct tastes in art to their enhanced social class positions, vehemently arguing that felt aesthetic sensibilities are well shaped by acclaimed culturally ingrained habitus and the upper-class individuals, for instance, have an excellent taste for exclusive fine art since they have been well exposed to and exactly trained to value it since an awfully early age, whilst working-class individuals have normally not had well access to “high placed art” and thus failed to cultivate the habitus suitable to the fine art segment “game” (Bourdieu, 1993, p 65). The fascination with the habitus, Bourdieu recurrently noted, was that it was well embedded that most people repeatedly mistook the sense for the game as ordinary instead of continuing and culturally developed. That often guides to justifying social disparity, because it is distinctively (mistakenly) thought that some people are logically disposed to the improved things in conventional life while people are not (Swartz, 1997, p78).

            According to (Bourdieu, 1993, p 25), the third involvement regarded Bourdieu’s field conception of whole “feel for the game” which came to his theory of the entire game itself. Bourdieu extensively understood the placement of social world as well divided up into a multiplicity of divergent arenas or segmented “fields” of practice similar to art, religion, education and law, including many others each with their own exceptional set of placed knowledge, rules, and forms of felt capital (Bourdieu, 1993, p 65). Bourdieu’s propositions regarding social class is typically different from historically acknowledged   model where the status came from kinship especially with regards to ties between blood relations and ties entailing marriage, locality meaning ties between persons inherently born in the same region or living in the matching place, gender ties on persons of the same sex or sexuality, age entailing falling on ties between persons of matching or similar age, ethnicity or ties between persons having the same group, well defined against other eminent groups by material wealth or culture and area notably inhabited and eventually the prevailing social class or even ties amongst persons born into the a single group, defined against various other groups by the life variant chances of the persons born into a group (Bourdieu, 1979, p89). Normally, social class is a single unit that is highly and hotly contested grouping in the study of inherent society.

            As opposed to Bourdieu, amongst the ancient Egypt there was heat of the topic and is well described or diffused by the terminology of structure and enhanced self-perception noting the various ways in which   ways the society was divided or divided itself into detached segments, and hence does it distinguish its own interior divisions much as the concern of race or entailed ethnicity concerns the outdoor boundaries of a contemporary society, so class hence entails its internal boundaries (Hebdige, 1996, p67). Contrarily, fields can undoubtedly overlap an education or religion, for instance, overlie in many religiously-oriented colleges, universities found in United States (Bourdieu, 1993, p 65). According to Bourdieu each field is relatively independent from the others as each field has its own distinct set of positions or offices and practices, and also distinguished struggles for situations as people inherently mobilize their capital to undertake stake claims within a fastidious social domain. In sector of art, for instance, Bourdieu noticed that every generation of emerging artists sought to topple the recognized positions placed by those who came earlier before them, merely to be extensively critiqued by the subsequent generation of notable “avant-garde” artists who wanted their own powerful and authoritative positions within the established field (Bourdieu, 1993, p 65). This is much like a baseball or even football field; distinct social fields are places that people struggle for high placed position and play well to win (Bourdieu, 1979, p89).

            One of Bourdieu’s notable theoretical reasons or basis for the advancement of his social theory aimed at overcoming dualisms felt in society experiencing fixation with entire binary oppositions and even entailed explanations that systematically causes understanding of various phenomena to be totally over-simplistic, and hence does not provide an appropriate framework to factually reflect on the complexities within the society (Bourdieu, 1993, p 65). On contrary, post-structuralism fits accurately with this dramatic approach in that process and apply label and availed categories is characteristically avoided and well deconstructed to reflect or echo on the intricacy of outlined phenomena, and unveil the contradictions they hence contain (Bourdieu, 1993, p 97). According to Bourdieu, social theory in future will be applied as a framework to clarify phenomena established in literature and entailed phenomena from most research findings undertaken previously (Bourdieu, 1993, p 67).

            The employment of Bourdieu’s theory aims in ultimate presentation of findings and analyzes various responses from participants purposely in regard to their personal and group habitus or capital, and thus help to position the growth of the field inside social practice. According to (Bourdieu, 1979, p89), incorporation of Bourdieu’s formula for assessment of social practice is indicated “(Capital x Habitus) + Field = Practice” which is well explained and expounded in terms of habitus, field and capital. Other inherent notable remarks include the essence of the Habitus is a perception that sought to explain the entire dispositions that systematically influence individuals to create a model of who they are, and thus also incorporates the conditions of regarding existence which person’s everyday activities exhibit their relations to prevailing society (Hebdige, 1996, p61).


            In summary, the methods, approach and terminology applied by Bourdieu are massively distinct from other formats or assessment applied his predecessor , and recommends much more well detailed sociological analysis and scrutiny of power relations rooted and based in a comprehensive and existent in the ‘theory of society’. Nevertheless, the implications for functional analysis and action perpetually resonate very muscularly with the meanings and concepts of internalized, indiscernible power and ‘control within’, and with the inherent ‘theory of change’ in the entailed power cube, This is the suggestion that understanding power or authority and powerlessness, chiefly through processes of entailed learning and analysis that exhibits invisible power.






Bourdieu, P., (1993), “”The Production of Belief: Contribution to an Economy of Symbolic           Goods” in The Field of Cultural Production: essays on art and literature, Cambridge:         Polity: 74- 111.
Bourdieu, P., (1979), Distinction: A social Critique of the Judgement of Taste, London:      Routledge.
Fowler, B., (1997), Pierre Bourdieu and Cultural Theory: critical investigations, London: Sage.
Hebdige, D., (1996), “The Impossible Object: Towards a Sociology of the Sublime”, in J.   Curran et. al (Eds.), Cultural Studies and Communications. London: Arnold.
Swartz, D., (1997) “Bourdieu’s Political Economy of Symbolic Power” in Culture and       Power. The Sociology of Pierre Bourdieu, Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press.



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