Community organizing differs from advocacy and service delivery in a number of ways. The most important difference between the two is that advocacy is a professional practice, which is directed to a group or done on behalf of a group. Community organizing differs from advocacy in that community organizing involves the group itself doing the advocating for itself (Stoecker, 2001).

Unlike advocacy and community organizing, service delivery does not emphasize on the social changes in the community. Service delivery also requires a lot of technical expertise and cooperation with the people in power, which makes community, based decision making very difficult. This makes service delivery different from community organizing which emphasizes on community-based decision-making.

This model is based on the idea that there are”haves” and “have-nots” in the society. The “haves” in the society will usually work towards not giving up its advantage in the society. This model is all about building and sustaining the community organization that can take multiple issues and become major contenders in the local and regional political grounds. This model maintains the culture of confrontation.


This model is a contrast of the power model and aims at rebuilding the social aspect of a community and not locking down the bad people. The model gives emphasis on building coalitions with individuals who do not belong in the same community. It emphasizes on the importance of the community finding its own resources to solve its problems internally. Therefore, it is regarded as a self-help model.


Pharr explains a “defined norm” to be a standard of righteousness where all the other elements are judged in relation to it. This norm must be backed with institutional and economic power and also both institutional and individual violence. The combination of the three makes complete power and control possible. It is also described as ideal image or image of success (Pharr, 1988).


There are three ways in which the defined norm maintains power and control. It maintains through institutional power, economic power and both institutional and individual violence.

   Institutional power

Pharr claims institutional power is used to oppress marginalized groups. According to Pharr there is nothing such as reverse discrimination because this requires institutional power to back it up.


Economic power takes money to control institutions. It uses scarcity to pit people against one another since scarcity makes people think they will lose on the limited resources available.


   Institutional or individual violence

Institutional violence is expressed through the criminal justice system and military threat of quelling individuals or groups, which are arising.



Capitalism works by turning more money into more money whereby the capitalist employ workers to produce goods and services and they are paid wages, then the capitalist sells the goods and services. The capitalist continue to acquire land and raw materials as in the case of labor and thus are the major contributors of rapid growth of industries and wealth (Johnson, 2007).

Racism was released around the same time as when the country experienced expansion of capitalism as an economic system. Moreover, with capitalism came white power and unequal distribution of wealth. Black men are viewed as predators and a threat to a white, thus are vulnerable, and thereby remain under the white man’s control.



one example of each of these frames.

Abstract liberalism involves the use of ideas associated with political and economic liberalism in an abstract manner explaining racial matters. Equal opportunity is a part of abstract liberalism. An example of abstract liberalism is in the US where most white’s people agree that all Americans, irrespective of their race, should be accorded equal rights and opportunities. But when they ask about government policies that could bring about such equality, most whites will find reasons to oppose them (Bonilla-Silva, 2006).

Minimization of racism frame suggests that discrimination is no longer a central factor affecting the choices of life of the minorities. An example of this is that most whites believe there exist unfairness to blacks, though biasness is not pronounced as it used to be and not the only fact that seems to hold black retrogressively. The main thing holding the blacks back is their culture.


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